(currently the Frieza Strait). De Vries mistakenly considered Iturup Island to be the northeastern tip of Hokkaido, and Urup to be part of the American continent. On June 20, Dutch sailors landed on Urup for the first time. On June 23, 1643, de Vries installed on the flat top high mountain island of Urupa wooden cross and declared this land the property of the Dutch East India Company.

In Russia, the first official mention of the Kuril Islands dates back to 1646, when the Cossack Nekhoroshko Ivanovich Kolobov, a participant in Ivan Moskvitin’s expedition to the Sea of ​​Okhotsk (Lama) spoke about the bearded Ainu inhabiting the islands. New information about the Kuril Islands appeared after Vladimir Atlasov’s campaign against Kamchatka in 1697, during which southwest coast Kamchatka Russians first saw the northern Kurile Islands. In August 1711, a detachment of Kamchatka Cossacks under the leadership of Danila Antsiferov and Ivan Kozyrevsky first landed on the northernmost island of Shumshu, defeating a detachment of local Ainu here, and then on the second island of the ridge - Paramushir.

In 1738-1739, a scientific expedition took place under the leadership of the captain of the Russian fleet, Martyn Petrovich Shpanberg. This expedition was the first to map the Lesser Kuril Ridge (Shikotan and Habomai islands). Based on the results of the expedition, the atlas “General Map of Russia” was compiled depicting the 40 islands of the Kuril archipelago. After news of the discovery of the Kuril Islands by Russian navigators was published in Europe in the 1740s, the governments of other powers sought permission from the Russian authorities to visit the islands of this area with their ships. In 1772, Russian authorities placed the Kuril Islands under the control of the chief commander of Kamchatka, and in 1786, Empress Catherine II issued a decree on the protection (“preservation”) of rights to “lands discovered by Russian sailors,” among which was the “ridge of the Kuril Islands, concerning Japan". This decree was published in foreign languages. After publication, not a single state challenged Russia’s rights to the Kuril Islands. State cross signs and copper plaques with the inscription “Land of Russian Dominion” were installed on the islands.

19th century

General Map of the State of Japan, 1809

On February 7, 1855, Japan and Russia signed the first Russian-Japanese treaty - the Shimoda Treaty on Trade and Borders. The document established the border of the countries between the islands of Iturup and Urup. The islands of Iturup, Kunashir, Shikotan and the Habomai group of islands went to Japan, and the rest were recognized as Russian possessions. That is why February 7 has been celebrated annually in Japan as Northern Territories Day since 1981. At the same time, questions about the status of Sakhalin remained unresolved, which led to conflicts between Russian and Japanese merchants and sailors.

Russo-Japanese War

Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands on a map of 1912

Up: Agreement on the entry of the USSR into the war against Japan
At the bottom: Map of Japan and Korea published by the National geographical society USA, 1945. Fragment. The signature in red under the Kuril Islands reads: “In 1945, in Yalta, it was agreed that Russia would regain Karafuto (Karafuto Prefecture - the southern part of Sakhalin Island) and the Kuril Islands.”

On February 2, 1946, in accordance with the Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces, the South Sakhalin Region was formed in these territories as part of the Khabarovsk Territory of the RSFSR, which on January 2, 1947 became part of the newly formed Sakhalin Region as part of the RSFSR.

History of ownership of the Kuril Islands under Russian-Japanese treaties

Joint Declaration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Japan (1956). Article 9.

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Japan agreed to continue negotiations on concluding a Peace Treaty after the restoration of normal diplomatic relations between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Japan.

At the same time, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, meeting the wishes of Japan and taking into account the interests of the Japanese state, agrees to the transfer to Japan of the islands of Habomai and the island of Shikotan with the fact that the actual transfer of these islands to Japan will be made after the conclusion of the Peace Treaty between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Japan .

On January 19, 1960, Japan signed the Treaty of Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan with the United States, thereby extending the “Security Pact” signed on September 8, 1951, which was legal basis for the presence of American troops on Japanese territory. On January 27, 1960, the USSR stated that since this agreement was directed against the USSR and the PRC, the Soviet government refused to consider the issue of transferring the islands to Japan, since this would lead to an expansion of the territory used by American troops.

Throughout the second half of the 20th century, the question of the ownership of the southern group of the Kuril islands Iturup, Shikotan, Kunashir and Habomai (in the Japanese interpretation - the question of the “northern territories”) remained the main stumbling block in Japanese-Soviet (later Japanese-Russian) relations. At the same time, until the end " cold war“The USSR did not recognize the existence of a territorial dispute with Japan and always considered the southern Kuril Islands as an integral part of its territory.

On April 18, 1991, during a visit to Japan, Mikhail Gorbachev actually acknowledged the existence of a territorial problem for the first time.

In 1993, the Tokyo Declaration on Russian-Japanese relations was signed, which states that Russia is the legal successor of the USSR and all agreements signed between the USSR and Japan will be recognized by both Russia and Japan. The parties’ desire to resolve the issue of the territorial ownership of the four southern islands of the Kuril chain was also recorded, which in Japan was regarded as a success and, to a certain extent, raised hopes of resolving the issue in favor of Tokyo.

XXI Century

On November 14, 2004, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, on the eve of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Japan, stated that Russia, as a successor state of the USSR, recognizes the 1956 Declaration as existing and is ready to conduct territorial negotiations with Japan on its basis. This formulation of the question caused a lively discussion among Russian politicians. Vladimir Putin supported the position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stipulating that Russia “will fulfill all its obligations” only “to the extent that our partners are ready to fulfill these agreements.” Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi responded by saying that Japan was not satisfied with the transfer of only two islands: “If the ownership of all the islands is not determined, the peace treaty will not be signed.” At the same time, the Japanese prime minister promised to show flexibility in determining the timing of the transfer of the islands.

On December 14, 2004, US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld expressed his readiness to assist Japan in resolving the dispute with Russia over the southern Kuril Islands.

In 2005, Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed his readiness to resolve the territorial dispute in accordance with the provisions of the 1956 Soviet-Japanese Declaration, that is, with the transfer of Habomai and Shikotan to Japan, but the Japanese side did not compromise.

On August 16, 2006, a Japanese fishing schooner was detained by Russian border guards. The schooner refused to obey the commands of the border guards, and warning fire was opened on it. During the incident, one member of the schooner's crew was fatally wounded in the head. This caused a sharp protest from the Japanese side; it demanded the immediate release of the body of the deceased and the release of the crew. Both sides said the incident occurred in their own territorial waters. In 50 years of dispute over the islands, this is the first recorded death.

December 13, 2006. The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, Taro Aso, at a meeting of the foreign policy committee of the lower house of representatives of parliament spoke in favor of dividing with Russia in half southern part disputed Kuril Islands. There is a point of view that in this way the Japanese side hopes to solve a long-standing problem in Russian-Japanese relations. However, immediately after Taro Aso’s statement, the Japanese Foreign Ministry disavowed his words, emphasizing that they were misinterpreted.

On July 2, 2007, to reduce tensions between the two countries, Japanese Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki proposed, and Russian Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Naryshkin accepted Japan's proposals for assistance in the development of the Far Eastern region. It is planned to develop nuclear energy, lay optical Internet cables through Russian territory to connect Europe and Asia, develop infrastructure, as well as cooperation in the field of tourism, ecology and security. This proposal was previously considered in June 2007 at a G8 meeting between Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

On May 21, 2009, Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso, during a meeting of the upper house of parliament, called the southern Kuril Islands “illegally occupied territories” and said that he was waiting for Russia to propose approaches to solving this problem. The official representative of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Andrei Nesterenko, commented on this statement as “illegal” and “politically incorrect.”

On June 11, 2009, the lower house of the Japanese parliament approved amendments to the law “On special measures to promote the resolution of the issue of the Northern Territories and similar ones,” which contain a provision on Japan’s ownership of the four islands of the South Kuril ridge. The Russian Foreign Ministry issued a statement in which it called such actions by the Japanese side inappropriate and unacceptable. On June 24, 2009, a State Duma statement was published, which, in particular, stated the opinion of the State Duma that in the current conditions, efforts to resolve the problem of the peace treaty, in fact, have lost both political and practical perspective and will make sense only in case of disavowal of amendments adopted by Japanese parliamentarians. On July 3, 2009, the amendments were approved by the Upper House of the Japanese Diet.

On September 14, 2009, Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said that he hoped to make progress in negotiations with Russia on the southern Kuril Islands "in the next six months to a year."

On September 23, 2009, at a meeting with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Hatoyama spoke of his desire to resolve the territorial dispute and conclude a peace treaty with Russia.

February 7, 2010. On February 7, since 1982, Japan has celebrated Northern Territories Day (as the southern Kuril Islands are called). Cars with loudspeakers are running around Tokyo, from which demands for the return of four islands to Japan and the music of military marches are heard. Also an event of this day is the speech of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama to participants in the movement for the return of the northern territories. This year, Hatoyama said that Japan was not satisfied with the return of only two islands and that he would make every effort to return all four islands within the lifetime of current generations. He also noted that it is very important for Russia to be friends with such an economically and technologically developed country as Japan. The words that these were “illegally occupied territories” were not said.

On April 1, 2010, official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry Andrei Nesterenko made a comment in which he announced the approval on April 1 by the Government of Japan of changes and additions to the so-called. “The main course to promote the solution of the problem of the northern territories” and stated that the repetition of unfounded territorial claims against Russia cannot benefit the dialogue on the issue of concluding a Russian-Japanese peace treaty, as well as maintaining normal contacts between the southern Kuril Islands, which are part of the Sakhalin regions of Russia, and Japan.

On September 11, 2011, Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation Nikolai Patrushev visited the southern Kuril Islands, where he held a meeting with the leadership of the Sakhalin region, and visited the border post on Tanfilyev Island, closest to Japan. At the meeting in the village of Yuzhno-Kurilsk on Kunashir Island, issues of ensuring the security of the region, the progress of construction of civil and border infrastructure facilities were discussed, security issues were considered during the construction and operation of the port berthing complex in Yuzhno-Kurilsk and the reconstruction of Mendeleevo airport. Japanese Government Secretary General Osamu Fujimura said that Nikolai Patrushev's visit to the southern Kuril Islands deeply regrets Japan.

On February 14, 2012, the Chief of the Russian General Staff of the Armed Forces, Army General Nikolai Makarov, announced that the Russian Ministry of Defense would create two military camps on the southern Kuril Islands (Kunashir and Iturup) in 2013.

On October 26, 2017, First Deputy Chairman of the Russian Federation Council Committee on Defense and Security Franz Klintsevich said that Russia plans to create a naval base on the Kuril Islands.

Russia's basic position

The position of both countries on the issue of ownership of the islands. Russia considers all of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands its territory. Japan considers the southern Kuril Islands its territory, the northern Kuril Islands and Sakhalin - the territory of Russia.

Moscow’s principled position is that the southern Kuril Islands became part of the USSR, of which Russia became the legal successor, and are an integral part of the territory Russian Federation on legal grounds following the results of the Second World War and enshrined in the UN Charter, and Russian sovereignty over them, which has appropriate international legal confirmation, is not subject to doubt. According to media reports, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in 2012 said that the problem of the Kuril Islands could be solved in Russia only by holding a referendum. Subsequently, the Russian Foreign Ministry officially denied raising the question of any referendum: “This is a gross distortion of the minister’s words. We regard such interpretations as provocative. No sane politician would ever put this issue to a referendum." In addition, the Russian authorities once again officially declared the unconditional indisputability of the ownership of the islands by Russia, stating that in connection with this, the question of any referendum cannot by definition arise. On February 18, 2014, the Russian Foreign Minister stated that “Russia does not consider the situation with Japan on the issue of borders as some kind of territorial dispute.” The Russian Federation, the minister explained, proceeds from the reality that there are generally recognized and enshrined in the UN Charter results of the Second World War. On August 22, 2015, Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, in connection with his visit to the island of Iturup, formulated Russia’s position, stating that the Kuril Islands “are part of the Russian Federation, part of a subject of the Russian Federation called Sakhalin region, and that’s why we visited, are visiting and will visit the Kuril Islands.”

Japan's Basic Position

Japan's basic position on this issue is formulated in four points:

(1) The Northern Territories are centuries-old Japanese territories that continue to be under illegal Russian occupation. The government of the United States of America also consistently supports Japan's position.

(2) In order to resolve this issue and conclude a peace treaty as quickly as possible, Japan is vigorously continuing negotiations with Russia on the basis of agreements already reached, such as the 1956 Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration, the 1993 Tokyo Declaration, the 2001 Irkutsk Statement and the Japanese-Soviet Declaration. Russian action plan 2003.

(3) According to the Japanese position, if it is confirmed that the Northern Territories belong to Japan, Japan is ready to be flexible in the time and procedure for their return. In addition, since Japanese citizens living in the Northern Territories were forcibly evicted by Joseph Stalin, Japan is willing to reach an agreement with the Russian government so that Russian citizens living there will not suffer the same tragedy. In other words, after the return of the islands to Japan, Japan intends to respect the rights, interests and desires of the Russians currently living on the islands.

(4) The Government of Japan has urged the Japanese population not to visit the Northern Territories outside of the visa-free procedure until the territorial dispute is resolved. Likewise, Japan cannot permit any activity, including the economic activity of third parties, that could be considered subject to Russia's “jurisdiction,” nor may it permit any activity that would imply Russia's “jurisdiction” over the Northern Territories. It is Japan's policy to take appropriate measures to prevent such activities.

Original text (English)

Japan's Basic Position

(1) The Northern Territories are inherent territories of Japan that continues to be illegally occupied by Russia. The Government of the United States of America has also consistently supported Japan's position.

(2) In order to solve this issue and to conclude a peace treaty as soon as possible, Japan has energetically continued negotiations with Russia on the basis of the agreements and documents created by the two sides so far, such as the Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration of 1956, the Tokyo Declaration of 1993, the Irkutsk Statement of 2001 and the Japan-Russia Action Plan of 2003.

(3) Japan's position is that if the attribution of the Northern Territories to Japan is confirmed, Japan is prepared to respond flexibly to the timing and manner of their actual return. In addition, since Japanese citizens who once lived in the Northern Territories were forcibly displaced by Joseph Stalin, Japan is ready to forge a settlement with the Russian government so that the Russian citizens living there will not experience the same tragedy. In other words, after the return of the islands to Japan, Japan intends to respect the rights, interests and wishes of the Russian current residents on the islands.

(4) The Japanese government has requested Japanese people not to enter the Northern Territories without using the non-visa visit frameworks until the territorial issue is resolved. Similarly, Japan cannot allow any activities, including economic activities by a third party, which could be regarded as submitting to Russian “jurisdiction,” nor allow any activities carried out under the presumption that Russia has “jurisdiction” in the Northern Territories. Japan is of the policy to take appropriate steps to ensure that this does not happen. .

Original text (Japanese)

日本の基本的立場

⑴北方領土は、ロシアによる不法占拠が続いていますが、日本固有の領土であり、この点については例えば米国政府も一貫して日本の立場を支持しています。政府は、北方四島の帰属の問題を解決して平和条約を締結するという基本的方針に基づいて、ロシア政府との間で強い意思をもって交渉を行っています。

⑵北方領土問題の解決に当たって、我が国としては、1）北方領土の日本への帰属が確認さ北方領土に現在 Home分尊重していくこととしています。

⑶我が国固有の領土である北方領土に対するロシアによる不法占拠が続いている状況の中Homeシア側の「管轄権 」に服したかのごとき行為を行うこと, Home相容れず、 1989 1989 Home することを行わないよう要請しています。

⑷また、政府は、第三国国民がロシアの査証を取得した上で北方四島へ入域する、または第三国企業が北方領土において経済活動を行っているという情報に接した場合、従来から、しかるべく事実関係を確認の上、申入れを行ってきています 。

Other opinions

Defense aspect and the danger of armed conflict

In connection with the territorial dispute over the ownership of the southern Kuril Islands, there is a danger of military conflict with Japan. Currently, the Kuril Islands are defended by the 18th Machine Gun Artillery Division (the only one in Russia), and Sakhalin by a motorized rifle brigade. These formations are armed with 41 T-80 tanks, 120 MT-LB transporters, 20 coastal anti-ship missile systems, 130 artillery systems, 60 anti-aircraft weapons (Buk, Tunguska, Shilka complexes), 6 Mi-8 helicopters.

As stated in the Law of the Sea:

A state has the right to temporarily suspend peaceful passage through certain sections of its territorial waters if this is urgently required by the interests of its security.

However, restricting Russian shipping - except for warships in conflict - in these straits, and even more so introducing a fee, would contradict some provisions of the generally recognized in international law (including that recognized in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, which Japan signed and ratified) the right of innocent passage. especially since Japan does not have archipelagic waters [ ] :

If a foreign merchant vessel complies with these requirements, the coastal state must not impede innocent passage through territorial waters and must accept all necessary measures for the safe implementation of innocent passage - to announce, in particular, for general information about all the dangers to navigation known to him. Foreign vessels should not be subject to any passage charges other than fees and charges for services actually rendered, which should be collected without any discrimination.

Further, almost the entire remaining water area of ​​the Sea of ​​Okhotsk freezes and the ports of the Sea of ​​Okhotsk freeze, and, therefore, shipping without icebreakers is still impossible here; La Perouse Strait, connecting the Sea of ​​Okhotsk with the Sea of ​​Japan, is also clogged with ice in winter and is navigable only with the help of icebreakers:

The Sea of ​​Okhotsk has the most severe ice regime. Ice appears here at the end of October and lasts until July. In winter, all Northern part the sea is covered with powerful floating ice, in some places freezing into a vast area of ​​motionless ice. The boundary of the stationary fast ice extends out to sea for 40-60 miles. A constant current carries ice from the western regions to the southern part of the Sea of ​​Okhotsk. As a result, an accumulation of floating ice forms near the southern islands of the Kuril ridge in winter, and the La Perouse Strait is clogged with ice and is navigable only with the help of icebreakers. .

Moreover, the shortest route from Vladivostok to the Pacific Ocean lies through the ice-free Sangar Strait between the islands of Hokkaido and Honshu. This strait is not covered by Japanese territorial waters, although it can be included in territorial waters unilaterally at any time.

Natural resources

There are areas of possible oil and gas accumulation on the islands. Reserves are estimated at 364 million tons of oil equivalent. In addition, there may be gold on the islands. In June 2011, it became known that Russia was inviting Japan to jointly develop oil and gas fields located in the Kuril Islands area.

The islands are adjacent to a 200-mile fishing zone. Thanks to the South Kuril Islands, this zone covers the entire water area of ​​the Sea of ​​Okhotsk, with the exception of a small coastal area near the island. Hokkaido. Thus, in economic terms, the Sea of ​​Okhotsk is actually an inland sea of ​​Russia with an annual fish catch of about three million tons.

Positions of third countries and organizations

As of 2014, the United States believes that Japan has sovereignty over the disputed islands, while noting that Article 5 of the US-Japan Security Treaty (that an attack on either side in Japanese-administered territory is considered a threat to both sides) does not apply to these islands as not governed by Japan. The position of the Bush Jr. administration was similar. There is debate in the academic literature as to whether the US position was previously different. It is believed that in the 1950s, the sovereignty of the islands was linked to the sovereignty of the Ryukyu Islands, which had a similar legal status. In 2011, the press service of the US Embassy in the Russian Federation noted that this US position has existed for a long time and individual politicians only confirm it.

see also

  • Liancourt (islands disputed between Japan and South Korea)
  • Senkaku (islands disputed between Japan and China)

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe stated his desire to “create new story» relations with Russia. We have new friend? Hardly. The history of Japan's territorial claims against the Russian Federation is well known to everyone. But right now, sanctions and the confrontation between Russia and the West give Tokyo an illusory chance to return the Kuril Islands.

Now the Japanese are looking forward to Vladimir Putin's visit, hoping that he will bring the signing of a peace treaty closer. This puts the Russian leader in a difficult situation: the country needs allies, but such a deal could once and for all destroy his image as a collector of Russian lands. Therefore, it is absolutely obvious: the islands cannot be returned before the presidential elections. And then?

What exactly Vladimir Putin and Shinzo Abe talked about during an informal meeting in Sochi on May 6 is not known for certain. However, before the visit, the Japanese prime minister did not hide his intention to discuss the territorial issue. And now a return visit of the Russian President is planned soon.

In early April, the Japanese Foreign Ministry developed the so-called “Blue Book” on diplomacy for 2016. It states that strengthening relations with Russia is in the national interest and contributes to peace and prosperity in the Asian region. Thus, Japan officially declared a course towards rapprochement with Russia.

This has already caused concern in the United States. It is not without reason that back in February, during a telephone conversation, Barack Obama advised Prime Minister Abe to reconsider the timing of his visit to Russia and expressed concern about the softening of Japan’s position towards Moscow, while Western countries introduced anti-Russian sanctions “in an attempt to restore international order.”

An attraction of unprecedented generosity

Why did Tokyo suddenly decide to extend a hand of friendship to Moscow? The editor of the magazine “Russia in Global Affairs” Fyodor Lukyanov believes that “the Chinese factor dominates in relations between Japan and Russia; "Both countries are trying to balance the rise of China as the most important power in the region, and this is leading to a thaw." By the way, the Asahi Shimbun newspaper recently wrote about this: “It is important for the heads of Russia and Japan to meet more often and build trusting relationships also in order to stabilize the situation in Northeast Asia, a region where China is gaining influence and challenges continue.” from the DPRK, which conducts missile and nuclear tests.”

An important milestone in cooperation can be called the construction by Japan on the Pacific coast of Russia of a terminal for receiving liquefied natural gas. According to Gazprom’s plans, the enterprise with a capacity of 15 million tons will be launched in 2018.

Everything would be fine, except that relations between the two countries are overshadowed by an unresolved territorial dispute. After the end of World War II, the USSR annexed four islands of the Kuril chain - Iturup, Kunashir, Shikotan and Habomai. In addition to fish, the islands are valuable for the minerals found in their depths: gold and silver, polymetallic ores containing zinc, copper, vanadium, etc. It is not surprising that the Japanese consider them theirs and demand their return.

Back in December, the Japanese Prime Minister lamented: “70 years have passed since the end of the war, but, unfortunately, the northern territories have not been returned, the problem has not been solved. We would like to continue to conduct persistent negotiations on the return of the northern territories and the conclusion of a peace treaty. We will deal with this issue with all the forces of the government so that the secret dream of the former residents of the islands comes true.”

Moscow’s position is this: the islands became part of the USSR following the Second World War, and Russian sovereignty cannot be doubted. But is this position so irreconcilable?

In 2012, Vladimir Putin made an encouraging statement for the Japanese: the dispute should be resolved on the basis of compromise. “Something like hikiwake. “Hikiwake is a term from judo when neither side managed to achieve victory,” the president said. What does it mean? Can two of the four islands be returned to Japan?

Such fears are justified. It is enough to recall how in 2010, during the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev, Russia signed an agreement with Norway on the delimitation of maritime spaces in the Barents Sea and the Arctic Ocean. As a result, the country lost 90 thousand square kilometers in the Arctic. In the depths of this territory, according to estimates by the Norwegian Petroleum Directorate (NPD), there are hydrocarbon deposits with a volume of at least 300 million cubic meters - almost 1.9 billion barrels of oil. Then the Norwegians rejoiced, and other countries, including Japan, immediately remembered their territorial claims to Russia. Is there a guarantee that this attraction of unprecedented generosity will not continue?

Wait for the next leader

One way or another, the Japanese media are now full of optimism. “Prime Minister Abe seeks to resolve the problem of the “northern territories” while he is in power. For him, this is a chance to become the political leader of Japan, who will be able to move the needle on a problem that has existed for 70 years,” writes Asahi Shimbun.

Abe, by the way, has his own interests in this: parliamentary elections will be held in the country this year, and he needs to strengthen his position. Meanwhile, Toyo Keizai publishes an interview with retired diplomat Yoshiki Mine, who states: “Russia has already announced its readiness to return Habomai and Shikotan. At the same time, she put forward certain conditions on which we can agree. Russia's goals are very clear. The problem is what to do with the islands." Mr. Mine believes that Japan should not waste time on trifles, but demand from Russia all the territories that once belonged to Japan, including Sakhalin. But not now, but after the change of leader in Russia. “I think it’s better to wait for a politically strong leader who will be committed to solving this problem,” says a Japanese diplomat. But Russian political experience tells a different story: it is weak leaders who distribute land left and right, while strong leaders never do so.

Meanwhile, Moscow has not yet shown any signs that could indicate the transfer of the islands to the Japanese flag. Recently it became known that the Russian government intends to invest 5.5 billion rubles in the new priority development territory “Kuril Islands”. The program involves the development of fisheries and mining complexes. In the period from 2016 to 2018, enterprises in the field of aquaculture, a plant for processing aquatic biological resources and a mining complex will be located in the Kuril Islands. All this, of course, inspires faith that the Russian leadership is not going to give the islands to Japan. Unless he develops the territory specifically for return, in order to get more bonuses for it.

Of course, giving away Russian territories would be extremely harmful for Putin’s electoral potential. And presidential elections in Russia will be held in 2018. By the way, in the matter of relations with Japan, this date comes up with enviable regularity.

Another interesting point is that Japan is considering a scenario similar to the Crimean one for annexing the islands. Back in 2014, former Defense Minister Yuriko Koike stated that a referendum on joining Japan should be held among the population of the Kuril Islands. And recently, the head of the Japanese New Party, Daichi Muneo Suzuki, suggested that the government lift sanctions against Russia in exchange for the islands. They lure and bargain. Oh well...

Disputes about four South Kuril Islands, currently belonging to the Russian Federation, have been going on for quite some time. This land as a result of the signed different time agreements and wars changed hands several times. Currently, these islands are the cause of an unresolved territorial dispute between Russia and Japan.

Discovery of the islands


The issue of the discovery of the Kuril Islands is controversial. According to the Japanese side, the Japanese were the first to set foot on the islands in 1644. A map of that time with the designations marked on it - “Kunasiri”, “Etorofu”, etc. was carefully preserved in National Museum Japanese history. And Russian pioneers, the Japanese believe, first came to the Kuril ridge only during the time of Tsar Peter I, in 1711, and on the Russian map of 1721 these islands are called “Japanese Islands”.

But in reality the situation is different: firstly, the Japanese received the first information about the Kuril Islands (from the Ainu language - “kuru” means “a person who came from nowhere”) from local residents Ainu (the oldest non-Japanese population of the Kuril Islands and the Japanese Islands) during an expedition to Hokkaido in 1635. Moreover, up to the Kuril lands themselves, the Japanese, due to constant conflicts with local population didn't get there.

It should be noted that the Ainu were hostile to the Japanese, and initially treated the Russians well, considering them their “brothers”, due to the similarity in appearance and methods of communication between the Russians and small nations.

Secondly, the Kuril Islands were discovered by the Dutch expedition of Maarten Gerritsen de Vries (Fries) in 1643, the Dutch were looking for the so-called. "Golden Lands" The Dutch did not like the lands, and they sold their detailed description and map to the Japanese. It was on the basis of Dutch data that the Japanese compiled their maps.

Thirdly, the Japanese at that time did not control not only the Kuril Islands, but even Hokkaido; only their stronghold was in its southern part. The Japanese began conquering the island at the beginning of the 17th century, and the fight against the Ainu continued for two centuries. That is, if the Russians were interested in expansion, then Hokkaido could become a Russian island. This was made easier by the good attitude of the Ainu towards the Russians and their hostility towards the Japanese. There are also records of this fact. The Japanese state of that time did not officially consider itself the sovereign of not only Sakhalin and the Kuril lands, but also Hokkaido (Matsumae) - this was confirmed in a circular by the head of the Japanese government, Matsudaira, during Russian-Japanese negotiations on the border and trade in 1772.

Fourthly, Russian explorers visited the islands before the Japanese. In the Russian state, the first mention of the Kuril lands dates back to 1646, when Nekhoroshko Ivanovich Kolobov gave a report to Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich about the campaigns of Ivan Yuryevich Moskvitin and spoke about the bearded Ainu inhabiting the Kuril Islands. In addition, Dutch, Scandinavian and German medieval chronicles and maps report about the first Russian settlements in the Kuril Islands at that time. The first reports about the Kuril lands and their inhabitants reached the Russians in the middle of the 17th century.

In 1697, during the expedition of Vladimir Atlasov to Kamchatka, new information about the islands appeared; the Russians explored the islands as far as Simushir (island middle group Great ridge of the Kuril Islands).

XVIII century

Peter I knew about the Kuril Islands; in 1719, the tsar sent a secret expedition to Kamchatka under the leadership of Ivan Mikhailovich Evreinov and Fyodor Fedorovich Luzhin. Marine surveyor Evreinov and surveyor-cartographer Luzhin had to determine whether there was a strait between Asia and America. The expedition reached the island of Simushir in the south and brought local residents and rulers to swear allegiance to the Russian state.

In 1738-1739, the navigator Martyn Petrovich Shpanberg (Danish by origin) walked along the entire Kuril ridge, put all the islands he encountered on the map, including the entire Small Kuril ridge (these are 6 large and a number of small islands that are separated from the Great Kuril ridge in the South -Kuril Strait). He explored the lands as far as Hokkaido (Matsumaya), bringing the local Ainu rulers to swear allegiance to the Russian state.

Subsequently, the Russians avoided voyages to the southern islands and developed the northern territories. Unfortunately, at this time, abuses against the Ainu were noted not only by the Japanese, but also by the Russians.

In 1771, the Lesser Kuril Ridge was removed from Russia and came under the protectorate of Japan. The Russian authorities sent the nobleman Antipin with the translator Shabalin to rectify the situation. They were able to persuade the Ainu to restore Russian citizenship. In 1778-1779, Russian envoys brought more than 1.5 thousand people from Iturup, Kunashir and even Hokkaido into citizenship. In 1779, Catherine II freed those who had accepted Russian citizenship from all taxes.

In 1787, the “Extensive Land Description of the Russian State...” contained a list of the Kuril Islands up to Hokkaido-Matsumaya, the status of which had not yet been determined. Although the Russians did not control the lands south of Urup Island, the Japanese were active there.

In 1799, by order of seii-taishogun Tokugawa Ienari, he headed the Tokugawa Shogunate, two outposts were built on Kunashir and Iturup, and permanent garrisons were placed there. Thus, the Japanese secured the status of these territories within Japan by military means.


Satellite image of the Lesser Kuril Ridge

Treaty

In 1845, the Empire of Japan unilaterally declared its power over all of Sakhalin and the Kuril ridge. This naturally caused a violent negative reaction from the Russian Emperor Nicholas I. But the Russian Empire did not have time to take action; the events of the Crimean War prevented it. Therefore, it was decided to make concessions and not bring matters to war.

On February 7, 1855, the first diplomatic agreement was concluded between Russia and Japan - Treaty of Shimoda. It was signed by Vice Admiral E.V. Putyatin and Toshiakira Kawaji. According to Article 9 of the treaty, “permanent peace and sincere friendship between Russia and Japan” were established. Japan ceded the islands from Iturup and to the south, Sakhalin was declared a joint, indivisible possession. Russians in Japan received consular jurisdiction, Russian ships received the right to enter the ports of Shimoda, Hakodate, and Nagasaki. The Russian Empire received most favored nation treatment in trade with Japan and received the right to open consulates in ports open to Russians. That is, in general, especially considering the difficult international situation of Russia, the agreement can be assessed positively. Since 1981, the Japanese have celebrated the day of signing the Shimoda Treaty as “Northern Territories Day.”

It should be noted that in fact, the Japanese received the right to the “Northern Territories” only for “permanent peace and sincere friendship between Japan and Russia,” most favored nation treatment in trade relations. Their further actions de facto canceled this agreement.

Initially, the provision of the Shimoda Treaty on joint ownership of Sakhalin Island was more beneficial for the Russian Empire, which was actively colonizing this territory. The Japanese Empire did not have a good navy, so at that time it did not have such an opportunity. But later the Japanese began to intensively populate the territory of Sakhalin, and the question of its ownership began to become increasingly controversial and acute. The contradictions between Russia and Japan were resolved by signing the St. Petersburg Treaty.

St. Petersburg Treaty. It was signed in the capital of the Russian Empire on April 25 (May 7), 1875. Under this agreement, the Empire of Japan transferred Sakhalin to Russia as full ownership, and in exchange received all the islands of the Kuril chain.


St. Petersburg Treaty of 1875 (Japanese Foreign Ministry Archive).

As a result of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and Treaty of Portsmouth On August 23 (September 5), 1905, the Russian Empire, according to Article 9 of the agreement, ceded southern Sakhalin to Japan, south of 50 degrees north latitude. Article 12 contained an agreement to conclude a convention on Japanese fishing along the Russian shores of the Seas of Japan, Okhotsk and Bering.

After the death of the Russian Empire and the beginning of foreign intervention, the Japanese occupied Northern Sakhalin and participated in the occupation of the Far East. When the Bolshevik Party won the Civil War, Japan did not want to recognize the USSR for a long time. Only after the Soviet authorities canceled the status of the Japanese consulate in Vladivostok in 1924 and in the same year the USSR was recognized by Great Britain, France and China, the Japanese authorities decided to normalize relations with Moscow.

Beijing Treaty. On February 3, 1924, official negotiations between the USSR and Japan began in Beijing. Only on January 20, 1925, the Soviet-Japanese convention on the basic principles of relations between countries was signed. The Japanese pledged to withdraw their forces from the territory of Northern Sakhalin by May 15, 1925. The declaration of the USSR government, which was attached to the convention, emphasized that the Soviet government did not share with the former government of the Russian Empire political responsibility for the signing of the Portsmouth Peace Treaty of 1905. In addition, the convention enshrined the agreement of the parties that all agreements, treaties and conventions concluded between Russia and Japan before November 7, 1917, except for the Portsmouth Peace Treaty, should be revised.

In general, the USSR made great concessions: in particular, Japanese citizens, companies and associations were granted the rights to exploit natural raw materials throughout the Soviet Union. On July 22, 1925, a contract was signed to grant the Japanese Empire a coal concession, and on December 14, 1925, an oil concession in Northern Sakhalin. Moscow agreed to this agreement in order to stabilize the situation in the Russian Far East, because the Japanese supported the White Guards outside the USSR. But in the end, the Japanese began to systematically violate the convention and create conflict situations.

During the Soviet-Japanese negotiations that took place in the spring of 1941 regarding the conclusion of a neutrality treaty, the Soviet side raised the issue of liquidating Japan's concessions in Northern Sakhalin. The Japanese gave their written consent to this, but delayed the implementation of the agreement for 3 years. Only when the USSR began to gain the upper hand over the Third Reich did the Japanese government implement the agreement that had been given earlier. Thus, on March 30, 1944, a Protocol was signed in Moscow on the destruction of Japanese oil and coal concessions in Northern Sakhalin and the transfer of all Japanese concession property to the Soviet Union.

February 11, 1945 at the Yalta conference three great powers - the Soviet Union, the United States, Great Britain - reached a verbal agreement on the USSR's entry into the war with the Japanese Empire on the terms of the return of South Sakhalin and the Kuril ridge to it after the end of World War II.

In the Potsdam Declaration dated July 26, 1945, it was stated that Japanese sovereignty would be limited only to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and other more small islands, which will indicate the winning countries. The Kuril Islands were not mentioned.

After the defeat of Japan, on January 29, 1946, Memorandum No. 677 of the Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Powers, American General Douglas MacArthur, excluded the Chishima Islands (Kuril Islands), the Habomadze group of islands (Habomai) and the Sikotan Island (Shikotan) from Japanese territory.

According to San Francisco Peace Treaty dated September 8, 1951, the Japanese side renounced all rights to South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands. But the Japanese claim that Iturup, Shikotan, Kunashir and Habomai (islands of the Lesser Kuril Islands) were not part of the Chishima Islands (Kuril Islands) and they did not abandon them.


Negotiations in Portsmouth (1905) - from left to right: from the Russian side (far part of the table) - Planson, Nabokov, Witte, Rosen, Korostovets.

Further agreements

Joint Declaration. On October 19, 1956, the Soviet Union and Japan adopted a Joint Declaration. The document ended the state of war between the countries and restored diplomatic relations, and also spoke of Moscow’s consent to the transfer of the islands of Habomai and Shikotan to the Japanese side. But they were supposed to be handed over only after the signing of a peace treaty. However, later Japan was forced to refuse to sign a peace treaty with the USSR. The United States threatened not to give up Okinawa and the entire Ryukyu Archipelago to the Japanese if they renounced their claims to the other islands of the Lesser Kuril chain.

After Tokyo signed the Cooperation and Security Treaty with Washington in January 1960, extending the American military presence on the Japanese Islands, Moscow announced that it refused to consider the issue of transferring the islands to the Japanese side. The statement was justified by the security issue of the USSR and China.

In 1993 it was signed Tokyo Declaration about Russian-Japanese relations. It stated that the Russian Federation is the legal successor of the USSR and recognizes the 1956 agreement. Moscow expressed its readiness to begin negotiations regarding Japan's territorial claims. In Tokyo this was assessed as a sign of impending victory.

In 2004, the head of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sergei Lavrov, made a statement that Moscow recognizes the 1956 Declaration and is ready to negotiate a peace treaty based on it. In 2004-2005, this position was confirmed by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

But the Japanese insisted on the transfer of 4 islands, so the issue was not resolved. Moreover, the Japanese gradually increased their pressure; for example, in 2009, the head of the Japanese government at a government meeting called the Lesser Kuril Ridge “illegally occupied territories.” In 2010 and early 2011, the Japanese became so excited that some military experts began to talk about the possibility of a new Russian-Japanese war. Only the spring natural disaster - the consequences of a tsunami and a terrible earthquake, the accident at the Fukushima nuclear power plant - cooled Japan's ardor.

As a result, the loud statements of the Japanese led to Moscow declaring that the islands are the territory of the Russian Federation legally following the Second World War, this is enshrined in the UN Charter. And Russian sovereignty over the Kuril Islands, which has the appropriate international legal confirmation, is beyond doubt. Plans were also announced to develop the islands' economy and strengthen Russia's military presence there.

Strategic importance of the islands

Economic factor. The islands are economically underdeveloped, but they have deposits of valuable and rare earth metals - gold, silver, rhenium, titanium. The waters are rich in biological resources; the seas that wash the shores of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands are among the most productive areas of the World Ocean. The shelves, where hydrocarbon deposits are found, are also of great importance.

Political factor. The cession of the islands will sharply lower Russia’s status in the world, and there will be a legal opportunity to review other results of the Second World War. For example, they may require you to give Kaliningrad region Germany or part of Karelia Finland.

Military factor. The transfer of the South Kuril Islands will provide the Japanese and US naval forces with free access to the Sea of ​​Okhotsk. It will allow our potential adversaries to exercise control over strategically important strait zones, which will sharply worsen the deployment capabilities of the Russian Pacific Fleet, including nuclear submarines with intercontinental ballistic missiles. This will be a strong blow to the military security of the Russian Federation.

Kuril landing operation The operation of the Red Army in the Kuril Islands entered the history of operational art. It was studied in many armies of the world, but almost all experts came to the conclusion that the Soviet landing force had no prerequisites for an early victory. Success was ensured by the courage and heroism of the Soviet soldier. American failure in the Kuril Islands

On April 1, 1945, American troops, with the support of the British fleet, landed troops on the Japanese island of Okinawa. The US command hoped to seize a bridgehead for landing troops on the main islands of the empire with one lightning strike. But the operation lasted almost three months, and losses among American soldiers were unexpectedly high - up to 40%. personnel. The resources spent were not commensurate with the result and forced the US government to think about the Japanese problem. The war could last for years and cost the lives of millions of American and British soldiers. The Japanese were convinced that they would be able to resist for a long time and even put forward conditions for concluding peace.

The Americans and the British were waiting to see what the Soviet Union would do, which, even at the allied conference in Yalta, committed itself to opening military operations against Japan.
The Western allies of the USSR had no doubt that the Red Army in Japan would face the same long and bloody battles as in the West. But the commander-in-chief of the troops in the Far East, Marshal of the Soviet Union Alexander Vasilevsky did not share their opinion. On August 9, 1945, Red Army troops went on the offensive in Manchuria and in just a few days inflicted a crushing defeat on the enemy.

On August 15, Emperor Hirohito of Japan was forced to announce surrender. On the same day, American President Harry Truman drew up a detailed plan for the surrender of Japanese troops and sent it for approval to the allies - the USSR and Great Britain. Stalin immediately drew attention to an important detail: the text did not say anything about the fact that the Japanese garrisons on the Kuril Islands should capitulate to Soviet troops, although quite recently the American government agreed that this archipelago should pass to the USSR. Taking into account the fact that the remaining points were spelled out in detail, it became clear that this was not an accidental mistake - the United States was trying to call the post-war status of the Kuril Islands into question.

Stalin demanded that the US President make an amendment, and drew attention to the fact that the Red Army intended to occupy not only all of the Kuril Islands, but also part of the Japanese island of Hokkaido. It was impossible to rely only on Truman's goodwill; the troops of the Kamchatka defensive region and the Peter and Paul Naval Base were ordered to land troops on the Kuril Islands.

Why did countries fight for the Kuril Islands?

From Kamchatka to good weather one could see the island of Shumshu, which was only 12 kilometers from the Kamchatka Peninsula. This is the last island of the Kuril archipelago - a ridge of 59 islands, 1200 kilometers long. On maps they were designated as the territory of the Japanese Empire.

Russian Cossacks began the development of the Kuril Islands back in 1711. At that time, the international community did not doubt that this territory belonged to Russia. But in 1875, Alexander II decided to consolidate peace in the Far East and transferred the Kuril Islands to Japan in exchange for its renunciation of claims to Sakhalin. These peace-loving efforts of the emperor were in vain. After 30 years, the Russo-Japanese War finally began, and the agreement became invalid. Then Russia lost and was forced to admit the enemy’s conquest. Not only did Japan retain the Kuril Islands, but it also received the southern part of Sakhalin.

The Kuril Islands are unsuitable for economic activity, so for many centuries they were considered practically uninhabited. There were only a few thousand inhabitants, mostly representatives of the Ainu. Fishing, hunting, subsistence farming - these are all the sources of subsistence.

In the 1930s, rapid construction began on the archipelago, mainly military - airfields and naval bases. The Japanese Empire was preparing to fight for dominance in Pacific Ocean. The Kuril Islands were to become a springboard both for the capture of Soviet Kamchatka and for an attack on American naval bases (Aleutian Islands). In November 1941, these plans began to be implemented. This was the attack on the American naval base at Pearl Harbor. Four years later, the Japanese managed to equip a powerful defense system on the archipelago. All available landing sites on the island were covered by firing points, and there was a developed infrastructure underground.
Beginning of the Kuril landing operation
At the Yalta Conference of 1945, the allies decided to take Korea under joint custody and recognized the USSR's right to the Kuril Islands. The United States even offered assistance in taking over the archipelago. As part of the secret Project Hula, the Pacific Fleet received American landing craft.
On April 12, 1945, Roosevelt died, and attitudes towards the Soviet Union changed, as the new President Harry Truman was wary of the USSR. The new American government did not deny possible military actions in the Far East, and the Kuril Islands would become a convenient springboard for military bases. Truman sought to prevent the transfer of the archipelago to the USSR.

Due to the tense international situation, Alexander Vasilevsky (commander-in-chief of Soviet troops in the Far East) received the order: “using the favorable situation that developed during the offensive in Manchuria and on Sakhalin Island, occupy the northern group of the Kuril Islands. Vasilevsky did not know that such a decision was made due to the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR. It was ordered to form a battalion of marines within 24 hours. The battalion was led by Timofey Pochtarev. There was little time to prepare the operation - only a day, the key to success was close interaction between the forces of the army and navy. Marshal Vasilevsky decided to appoint Major General Alexei Gnechko as commander of the operation forces. According to Gnechko’s memoirs: “I was given complete freedom of initiative. And this is quite understandable: the command of the front and fleet was located a thousand kilometers away, and it was impossible to count on the immediate coordination and approval of my every order and order.”

Naval artilleryman Timofey Pochtarev received his first combat experience during the Finnish War. With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, he fought in the Baltic, defended Leningrad, and took part in the battles for Narva. He dreamed of returning to Leningrad. But fate and command decreed otherwise. The officer was assigned to Kamchatka, to the coastal defense headquarters of the Petropavlovsk naval base.
The most difficult was the first stage of the operation - the capture of Shumshu Island. It was considered the northern gate of the Kuril archipelago, and Japan paid special attention to strengthening Shumshu. 58 pillboxes and bunkers could shoot through every meter of the coast. In total, on Shumshu Island there were 100 artillery installations, 30 machine guns, 80 tanks and 8.5 thousand soldiers. Another 15 thousand were on the neighboring island of Paramushir, and they could be transferred to Shumshu within a few hours.

The Kamchatka defensive region consisted of only one rifle division. Units were dispersed throughout the peninsula. All in one day, August 16, they had to be delivered to the port. In addition, it was impossible to transport the entire division through the first Kuril Strait - there were not enough ships. Soviet troops and sailors had to perform in extremely difficult conditions. First, land on a well-fortified island, and then fight an enemy outnumbered without military equipment. All hope was for the “factor of surprise.”

First stage of the operation

It was decided to land the Soviet troops between capes Kokutai and Kotomari, and then with a strike to capture the center of the island’s defense, the Kataoka naval base. To mislead the enemy and disperse forces, they planned a diversionary strike - a landing in Nanagawa Bay. A day before the operation, shelling of the island began. The fire could not cause much harm, but General Gnechko set other goals - to force the Japanese to withdraw their troops from the coastal area where the landing of landing troops was planned. Some of the paratroopers under the leadership of Pochtarev became the core of the detachment. By nightfall, loading onto the ships was completed. On the morning of August 17, the ships left Avacha Bay.

The commanders were instructed to observe radio silence and blackout. Weather were difficult - fog, because of this, the ships arrived at the place only at 4 am, although they planned at 11 pm. Due to the fog, some ships were unable to come close to the island, and the Marines sailed the remaining meters, carrying weapons and equipment.
The advance detachment reached the island in full strength, and at first they did not encounter any resistance. Just yesterday, the Japanese leadership withdrew troops deeper into the island to protect them from artillery shelling. Using the factor of surprise, Major Pochtarev decided to capture the enemy batteries at Cape Katamari with the help of his companies. He personally led this attack.

Second stage of the operation

The terrain was flat, so it was impossible to approach unnoticed. The Japanese opened fire and the advance stopped. All that remained was to wait for the rest of the paratroopers. With great difficulty and under Japanese fire, the main part of the battalion was delivered to Shumshu, and the offensive began. By this time, the Japanese troops had recovered from their panic. Major Pochtarev ordered to stop frontal attacks, and assault groups were formed in a combat situation.

After several hours of battle, almost all the Japanese pillboxes and bunkers were destroyed. The outcome of the battle was decided by the personal courage of Major Pochtarev. He stood up to his full height and led the soldiers behind him. Almost immediately he was wounded, but did not pay attention to it. The Japanese began to retreat. But almost immediately the troops pulled up again and launched a counterattack. General Fusaki ordered to recapture the dominant heights at any cost, then cut the landing forces into pieces and throw them back to the sea. Under artillery cover, 60 tanks went into battle. Naval strikes came to the rescue, and the destruction of the tanks began. Those vehicles that were able to break through were destroyed by the Marines. But the ammunition was already running out, and then horses came to the aid of the Soviet paratroopers. They were allowed to swim to the shore, loaded with ammunition. Despite heavy shelling, most of the horses survived and delivered ammunition.

From the island of Paramushir, the Japanese transferred forces of 15 thousand people. The weather improved, and Soviet planes were able to fly on a combat mission. The pilots attacked the berths and piers where the Japanese were unloading. While the advance detachment repelled the Japanese counterattacks, the main forces launched a flank attack. By August 18, the island's defense system was completely disrupted. The turning point in the battle has come. When Soviet ships entered the second Kuril Strait, the Japanese unexpectedly opened crossfire. Then the Japanese kamikazes went on the attack. The pilot threw his car directly at the ship, firing continuously. But Soviet anti-aircraft gunners thwarted the Japanese feat.

Having learned about this, Gnechko again ordered an attack - the Japanese hung out white flags. General Fusaki said that he did not give the order to fire at the ships and suggested returning to the discussion of the disarmament act. Fusaki fussed, but the general agreed to personally sign the disarmament act. He avoided in every possible way even uttering the word “surrender,” because for him, as a samurai, it was humiliating.

The garrisons of Urup, Shikotan, Kunashir and Paramushir capitulated without offering resistance. It came as a surprise to the whole world that Soviet troops occupied the Kuril Islands in just one month. Truman approached Stalin with a request to place American military bases, but was refused. Stalin understood that the United States would try to gain a foothold if it gained territory. And he turned out to be right: immediately after the war, Truman made every effort to include Japan in his sphere of influence. On September 8, 1951, a peace treaty was signed in San Francisco between Japan and the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition. The Japanese abandoned all conquered territories, including Korea. According to the text of the treaty, the Ryukyu archipelago was transferred to the UN; in fact, the Americans established their own protectorate. Japan also renounced the Kuril Islands, but the text of the agreement did not say that the Kuril Islands were transferred to the USSR. Andrei Gromyko, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs (at that time), refused to sign a document with this wording. The Americans refused to make changes to the peace treaty. This resulted in a legal incident: de jure they ceased to belong to Japan, but their status was never secured.
In 1946 northern islands The Kuril archipelago became part of the South Sakhalin region. And this was undeniable.

History of the Kuril Islands

Background

Briefly, the history of “belonging” to the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin Island is as follows.

1.During the period 1639-1649. Russian Cossack detachments led by Moskovitinov, Kolobov, Popov explored and began to develop Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands. At the same time, Russian pioneers repeatedly sailed to the island of Hokkaido, where they were peacefully greeted by the local Ainu aborigines. The Japanese appeared on this island a century later, after which they exterminated and partially assimilated the Ainu.

2.B 1701 Cossack sergeant Vladimir Atlasov reported to Peter I about the “subordination” of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands, leading to the “wonderful kingdom of Nipon”, to the Russian crown.

3.B 1786. by order of Catherine II, a register of Russian possessions in the Pacific Ocean was made and the register was made available to everyone European countries as a declaration of Russia's rights to these possessions, including Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands.

4.B 1792. By decree of Catherine II, the entire chain of the Kuril Islands (both Northern and Southern), as well as the island of Sakhalin officially included in the Russian Empire.

5. As a result of Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War 1854-1855 gg. under pressure England and France Russia forced was concluded with Japan on February 7, 1855. Treaty of Shimoda, according to which four southern islands of the Kuril chain were transferred to Japan: Habomai, Shikotan, Kunashir and Iturup. Sakhalin remained undivided between Russia and Japan. At the same time, however, the right of Russian ships to enter Japanese ports was recognized, and “permanent peace and sincere friendship between Japan and Russia” were proclaimed.

6.May 7, 1875 according to the Treaty of St. Petersburg, the tsarist government as a very strange act " good will» makes incomprehensible further territorial concessions to Japan and transfers to it another 18 small islands of the archipelago. In return, Japan finally recognized Russia's right to all of Sakhalin. It is for this agreement the Japanese refer most of all today, slyly keeping silent, that the first article of this treaty reads: “... and henceforth eternal peace and friendship will be established between Russia and Japan” ( the Japanese themselves violated this treaty several times in the 20th century). Many Russian statesmen of those years sharply condemned this “exchange” agreement as short-sighted and harmful to the future of Russia, comparing it with the same short-sightedness as the sale of Alaska to the United States of America in 1867 for next to nothing ($7 billion 200 million). ), - saying that “now we are biting our own elbows.”

7.After the Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905 gg. followed another stage in the humiliation of Russia. By Portsmouth peace treaty concluded on September 5, 1905, Japan received the southern part of Sakhalin, all the Kuril Islands, and also took away from Russia the lease right to the naval bases of Port Arthur and Dalniy. When did Russian diplomats remind the Japanese that all these provisions contradict the treaty of 1875 g., - those answered arrogantly and impudently : « War crosses out all agreements. You have been defeated and let's proceed from the current situation " Reader, Let us remember this boastful declaration of the invader!

8.Next comes the time to punish the aggressor for his eternal greed and territorial expansion. Signed by Stalin and Roosevelt at the Yalta Conference February 10, 1945 G. " Agreement on the Far East" provided: "... 2-3 months after the surrender of Germany, the Soviet Union will enter the war against Japan subject to the return to the Soviet Union of the southern part of Sakhalin, all the Kuril Islands, as well as the restoration of the lease of Port Arthur and Dalny(these built and equipped by the hands of Russian workers, soldiers and sailors back in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. naval bases were very convenient in their geographical location donated free of charge to “brotherly” China. But these bases were so necessary for our fleet in the 60-80s of the raging Cold War and the intense combat service of the fleet in remote areas of the Pacific and Indian Oceans. We had to equip the Cam Ranh forward base in Vietnam from scratch for the fleet).

9.B July 1945 in accordance with Potsdam Declaration heads of victorious countries the following verdict was adopted regarding the future of Japan: “The sovereignty of Japan will be limited to four islands: Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, Honshu and those that WE SPECIFY.” August 14, 1945 The Japanese government has publicly confirmed its acceptance of the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, and September 2 Japan unconditionally surrendered. Article 6 of the Instrument of Surrender states: “...the Japanese government and its successors will honestly implement the terms of the Potsdam Declaration , give such orders and take such actions as the Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Powers requires in order to implement this declaration...” January 29, 1946 The Commander-in-Chief, General MacArthur, in his Directive No. 677 DEMANDED: “The Kuril Islands, including Habomai and Shikotan, are excluded from the jurisdiction of Japan.” AND only after that Legal action was issued by the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on February 2, 1946, which read: “All lands, subsoil and waters of Sakhalin and the Kul Islands are the property of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.” Thus, the Kuril Islands (both Northern and Southern), as well as about. Sakhalin, legally And in accordance with international law were returned to Russia . This could put an end to the “problem” of the Southern Kuril Islands and stop all further disputes. But the story with the Kuril Islands continues.

10.After the end of the Second World War US occupied Japan and turned it into their military base in the Far East. In September 1951 The USA, Great Britain and a number of other states (49 in total) signed Treaty of San Francisco with Japan, prepared in violation of the Potsdam Agreements without the participation of the Soviet Union . Therefore, our government did not join the agreement. However, in Art. 2, Chapter II of this treaty is written in black and white: “ Japan renounces all rights and claims... to the Kuril Islands and that part of Sakhalin and the adjacent islands , over which Japan acquired sovereignty by the Treaty of Portsmouth of September 5, 1905.” However, even after this, the story with the Kuril Islands does not end.

11.19 October 1956 The government of the Soviet Union, following the principles of friendship with neighboring states, signed with the Japanese government joint declaration, according to which the state of war between the USSR and Japan ended and peace, good neighborliness and friendly relations were restored between them. When signing the Declaration as a gesture of goodwill and nothing more it was promised to transfer to Japan the two southernmost islands of Shikotan and Habomai, but only after the conclusion of a peace treaty between the countries.

12.However The United States imposed a number of military agreements on Japan after 1956, replaced in 1960 by a single “Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security”, according to which US troops remained on its territory, and thus the Japanese islands turned into a springboard for aggression against the Soviet Union. In connection with this situation, the Soviet government declared to Japan that it was impossible to transfer the promised two islands to it.. And the same statement emphasized that, according to the declaration of October 19, 1956, “peace, good neighborliness and friendly relations” were established between the countries. Therefore, an additional peace treaty may not be required.
Thus, the problem of the South Kuril Islands does not exist. It was decided a long time ago. AND de jure and de facto the islands belong to Russia . In this regard, it might be appropriate remind the Japanese of their arrogant statement in 1905 g., and also indicate that Japan was defeated in World War II and therefore has no rights to any territories, even to her ancestral lands, except those that were given to her by the victors.
AND to our Foreign Ministry just as harshly, or in a softer diplomatic form you should have stated this to the Japanese and put an end to it, PERMANENTLY stopping all negotiations and even conversations on this non-existent problem that degrades the dignity and authority of Russia.
And again the “territorial issue”

However, starting from 1991 city, meetings of the President are held repeatedly Yeltsin and members of the Russian government, diplomats with Japanese government circles, during which The Japanese side every time persistently raises the issue of “northern Japanese territories.”
Thus, in the Tokyo Declaration 1993 g., signed by the President of Russia and the Prime Minister of Japan, was again the “presence of a territorial issue” was recognized, and both sides promised to “make efforts” to resolve it. The question arises: could our diplomats really not know that such declarations should not be signed, because recognition of the existence of a “territorial issue” is contrary to the national interests of Russia (Article 275 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “High Treason”)??

As for the peace treaty with Japan, it is de facto and de jure in accordance with the Soviet-Japanese Declaration of October 19, 1956. not really needed. The Japanese do not want to conclude an additional official peace treaty, and there is no need. He more needed in Japan, as the side that was defeated in the Second World War, rather than Russia.

A Russian citizens should know that the “problem” of the Southern Kuril Islands is just a fake , her exaggeration, periodic media hype around her and the litigiousness of the Japanese - there is consequence illegal Japan's claims in violation of its obligations to strictly comply with its recognized and signed international obligations. And Japan’s constant desire to reconsider the ownership of many territories in the Asia-Pacific region permeates Japanese politics throughout the twentieth century.

Why The Japanese, one might say, have their teeth in the Southern Kuril Islands and are trying to illegally take possession of them again? But because the economic and military-strategic importance of this region is extremely great for Japan, and even more so for Russia. This region of colossal seafood wealth(fish, living creatures, sea animals, vegetation, etc.), deposits of useful, including rare earth minerals, energy sources, mineral raw materials.

For example, January 29 this year. in the Vesti (RTR) program, short information slipped through: it was discovered on the island of Iturup large deposit of the rare earth metal Rhenium(the 75th element in the periodic table, and the only one in the world ).
Scientists allegedly calculated that to develop this deposit it would be enough to invest only 35 thousand dollars, but the profit from the extraction of this metal will allow us to bring all of Russia out of the crisis in 3-4 years. Apparently the Japanese know about this and that is why they are so persistently attacking the Russian government demanding that they give them the islands.

I must say that During the 50 years of ownership of the islands, the Japanese did not build or create anything major on them, except for light temporary buildings. Our border guards had to rebuild barracks and other buildings at outposts. The entire economic “development” of the islands, which the Japanese are shouting about to the whole world today, consisted in the predatory robbery of the islands' wealth . During the Japanese "development" from the islands seal rookeries and sea otter habitats have disappeared . Part of the livestock of these animals our Kuril residents have already restored .

Today, the economic situation of this entire island zone, as well as the whole of Russia, is difficult. Of course, significant measures are needed to support this region and care for Kuril residents. According to calculations by a group of State Duma deputies, it is possible to produce on the islands, as reported in the program “Parliamentary Hour” (RTR) on January 31 of this year, only fish products up to 2000 tons per year, with a net profit of about 3 billion dollars.
Militarily, the ridge of the Northern and Southern Kuriles with Sakhalin constitutes a complete closed infrastructure for the strategic defense of the Far East and the Pacific Fleet. They protect the Sea of ​​Okhotsk and turn it into an inland one. This is the area deployment and combat positions of our strategic submarines.

Without the Southern Kuril Islands we will have a hole in this defense. Control over the Kuril Islands ensures free access of the fleet to the ocean, - after all, until 1945, our Pacific Fleet, starting in 1905, was practically locked in its bases in Primorye. Detection equipment on the islands provides long-range detection of air and surface enemies and the organization of anti-submarine defense of the approaches to the passages between the islands.

In conclusion, it is worth noting this feature in the relationship between the Russia-Japan-US triangle. It is the United States that confirms the “legality” of the islands’ ownership of Japan, against all odds international treaties signed by them .
If so, then our Foreign Ministry has every right, in response to the claims of the Japanese, to invite them to demand the return of Japan to its “southern territories” - the Caroline, Marshall and Mariana Islands.
These archipelagos former colonies of Germany, captured by Japan in 1914. Japanese rule over these islands was sanctioned by the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. After the defeat of Japan, all these archipelagos came under US control. So Why shouldn't Japan demand that the United States return the islands to it? Or do you lack the spirit?
As you can see, there is clear double standard in Japanese foreign policy.

And one more fact that clarifies the overall picture of the return of our Far Eastern territories in September 1945 and the military significance of this region. The Kuril operation of the 2nd Far Eastern Front and the Pacific Fleet (August 18 - September 1, 1945) provided for the liberation of all the Kuril Islands and the capture of Hokkaido.

The annexation of this island to Russia would have important operational and strategic significance, since it would ensure the complete enclosure of the “fence” of the Sea of ​​Okhotsk by our island territories: the Kuril Islands - Hokkaido - Sakhalin. But Stalin canceled this part of the operation, saying that with the liberation of the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin, we had resolved all our territorial issues in the Far East. A we don't need someone else's land . In addition, the capture of Hokkaido will cost us a lot of blood, unnecessary losses of sailors and paratroopers in the very last days of the war.

Stalin here showed himself to be a real statesman, caring for the country and its soldiers, and not an invader who coveted foreign territories that were very accessible in that situation for seizure.
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